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Date: Sat, 18 Oct 1997 09:15:06 -0700
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From: Paul Andrew Mitchell [address in tool bar]
Subject: SLS: Concentration Camps Part 2 (fwd)
<snip>
>
> Psycho-politics is the art and science of asserting and of
> maintaining a dominion over the thoughts and loyalties of
> individuals, officers, bureaus, and masses, and the effecting
> of the conquest of enemy nations through mental healing. You
> must work... until every teacher of psychology unknowingly or
> knowingly teaching only communistic doctrine under the guise
> of psychology.
>
>If you look at the Russian manual of instruction of psycho-
>political warfare, we see in chapter 9;
>
> Psycho-political operations should at all times be alert to
> the opportunities to organize for the betterment of the
> community mental health centers.
>
>Now, under the new national Mental Health program at this moment
>there are more than 600 of these community mental health centers
>across the United States. The whole thing was promoted by Dr.
>Stanley F. Yoles (phonetic spelling), who was the director of the
>National Institute of Mental Health in 1969. And he stated back
>then, that the newest trend in treating mental illness is care at
>local health care centers where the patient is not isolated from
>his (or her) family and friends. They have been working on this
>program for 46 years publicly. Now across the U.S through your tax
>dollars you have 603 centers (to be exact); Community Health
>Centers that are all part of this program.
>
>And this is how they are part of the program (it has already
>happened): In the mid-1950s, there were set into motion an
>interesting chain of events. About 1956 the Alaska Mental Health
>Bill was proposed and later passed. It granted approximately 12
>million dollars, and 1 million acres of public land to Alaska so
>that it could develop its own mental health program. Now this was
>a little abnormal since Alaska only had a little over 400 people
>who were classified as mentally ill!
>
>After the bill was passed, Alaska passed its own enabling
>legislation to get into the mental health business. They started by
>adopting the essential elements of the Public Health Service Draft
>Act on the hospitalization of the mentally ill in the old
>"Interstate Compact on Mental Health", now called the Uniform
>Mental Health Act. There were no provisions for jury trial in it or
>anything else. You would just be picked up and taken to the
>Alaskan-Siberian Asylum incommunicado and the state would also
>confiscate all of your personal and real property! And they
>actually tried to do it in 1954 in the case of Ford vs. Milinak
>(phonetic spelling), which declared the act as adopted in another
>state (Missouri) as unconstitutional.
>
>But the act itself still exists, modified, but essentially in the
>same form, the Uniform Mental Health Act to which approximately 6
>states subscribe. And in passing most State Constitutions, if you
>will check them from the period of 1935, made a part of their
>constitution the practice of having a person submit to a 90-day
>mental examination to determine his (or her) sanity, without any
>provisions for a trial by jury. This was part of the national
>program at that time.
>
>In this act, the governor could have anyone picked up and sent to
>the Mental Health Institution in Alaska or elsewhere. The result as
>rumors back in the '50s, were that there was in fact a sinister,
>Frankenstein-type mental health prison in Alaska. I wrote to Alaska
>(the officials that is) and asked them for a description of the
>land of 1 million acres that they were eligible to receive, under
>the Alaska Mental Health Act, were. And I also asked them for a
>copy of the inventory they ran for their facilities back at that
>same time. Well, so far no answer. And probably, I will never
>receive an answer without a court order.
>
>But through the years, there was a spot in Alaska that was
>continually referred to: Southeast of Fairbanks; southwest of
>Fairbanks; northwest of Fairbanks; somewhere near Fairbanks. Then
>I received information that a pilot had flown over the area once
>and had his license revoked. And so, for $1.85 each, I ordered the
>low-level navigation maps from the federal government for Alaska
>and located the Alaska-Siberian Asylum for the treatment of enemies
>of the United States. It's right where rumor over the past 20 years
>had placed it: Southwest of Fairbanks. It stands out like a sore
>thumb! It's the only one of that geometric configuration within the
>sate of Alaska, and you will note a black line running up through
>Fairbanks and down over near that area of the map. That is the
>railroad that the Department of Transportation would take the
>emergency operation of, under the Executive Order, if the Executive
>Order went into effect. And H.E.W. would be responsible for making
>a determination of whether or not you were mentally disturbed
>because of your nationalistic tendencies, your love for the United
>States, or your adherence to any political or religious doctrine.
>
>But let's look a little further into the type of program that the
>L.E.A.A. is paying for through the Department of Justice. The
>Federal Bureau of Prisons, located in the backwoods of North
>Carolina, near a tiny village called Butner, is constructing a
>mammoth 42 acre research complex for prisoners from throughout the
>East. Who will be sent for experiments to test new behavioral
>programs and techniques? Target date for completion of the entire
>system is ironically 1984.
>
>And so, they're using right now, under the L.E.A.A. program,
>something called anectine (Phonetic spelling). Punishment for
>troublesome behavior within the prison is being done by drugs and
>shock, likely to be the most selected examples of programs that
>have made use of anectine, a derivative of South American curare.
>Anectine was originally used as a beginning factor to electro-
>convulsive shock. Such shocks applied to the bead are so strong
>they can break and graze bones under the strain of resulting muscle
>contractions. Since anectine paralyzed the muscles without
>dampening consciousness or the ability to feel pain, by first
>injecting the inmates with it, researchers can turn up the voltage
>as high as they want without cracking the inmates' skeleton when
>his body is thrown into convulsions by the jolt.
>
>What the anectine does, in short, is to simulate death within 30 to
>40 seconds of injection. It brings on paralysis first with the
>small rapidly moving muscles in the nose, fingers and eyes, and
>then in the diaphragm and the cardiovascular system. As a result,
>the patient cannot move or breathe and yet remains fully conscious,
>as though drowning and dying. This is from the 1974 publication,
>'Human Behavior'.
>
>Chapter 7: THE PEOPLE VS. THE CONSPIRATORS
>
>The federal government answered my suit in June (1976) by filing an
>unsworn general denial of everything that I had alleged. I spoke
>with the assistant U.S. Attorney in charge of the case and asked
>him if he had gone to the trouble to call any of the parties
>mentioned in the suits. since I had provided not only the
>addresses, but their telephone numbers to provide a faster means of
>investigation. He said he had not. He had not even done a minimal
>amount of investigation of the case, but yet he filed a denial of
>my allegations.
>
>I filed a motion in the meantime to take the deposition of the
>person who writes the training programs for the concentration camp
>guards, Mr. Richard Burrage, the 75th Maneuver Air Command at Army
>Reserve Center at Houston, Texas, stating that in light of all the
>recent activity of government agents, one of the agencies involved
>might attempt to murder this key witness, the author of the
>training camp program. The federal Judge denied my motion, stating
>that I had not quoted enough cases to him justifying my request.
>However, he was also aware as that there were no cases existing on
>this set of facts, but as you will see as I go along with this
>report, he chose to ignore it.
>
>I then made an agreement with the assistant U.S. Attorney to take
>the deposition to Mr. Burrage. After I'd made the arrangements, the
>U.S. Attorney refused to voluntarily go along with taking the
>deposition. It is very difficult to find justice in our system of
>courts.
>
>Law is usually practiced by the "buddy system", hence the court
>rules are overlooked or not followed.
>
>On July 20, a hearing was held at the magistrates of Norman Black
>U.S. District Court in Houston. The courtroom was completely filled
>with spectators. And although the news media had been contacted, no
>representatives of the press were there. There is a news media
>blackout on this matter here in Houston.
>
>Brief oral arguments were presented. The U.S. Attorney explained
>that I was not the proper person to bring the suit because, although
>the free exercise of my constitutional rights was threatened by the
>concentration camp program as alleged, it did not constitute my
>injury. The magistrate was impressed with the information I had
>thus far collected and stated that he would bring it to the
>attention of the federal judge. The U.S. Attorney tried to have my
>investigation of the case halted, but the magistrate would not go
>along that far with a pre-arranged decision.
>
>As an additional indication of what I was up against, the original
>hearing was scheduled for 10:30 in the morning. However, the U.S.
>Attorney had secretly had the time changed to 2:30 in the
>afternoon. The magistrate gave the U.S. Attorney permission to file
>for motion to dismiss because he felt that the concentration camp
>program, to be used for persons who exercise their freedom of
>speech, did not present any injury.
>
>Now, on July 23 I had placed in the 'Houston Post' and in the
>'Houston Chronicle' newspapers the following advertisement in the
>legal section. Quote: "Solicitation for witnesses in Civil Action
>78-H-667, Federal District Court of Houston, People extemporal
>William Pabst vs. Gerald Ford et al. The action titled:
>
> Complaint Against the Concentration Camp Program of the Dept.
> of Defense. Attention: If you have participated in Operation
> Garden Plot, Operation Cable Splicer, the 300th Military
> Police Prisoner of War Command, or the Army Reserve Civil
> Affairs group, you may be involved in a program that needs to
> be deposed for this suit. To give your testimony call or
> write; (and here I placed my name address and telephone number).
>
>As I previously mentioned, there is a news media blackout on the
>story here in Houston. Both newspapers refused to carry the ad.
>First at the 'Houston Post'; I had to threaten them with a law suit
>to carry out the ad, even though I was paying for it. And then at
>the 'Chronicle'; I had to meet with the president and various vice
>presidents because a refusal from that paper had come up from their
>own lawyers. Both newspapers finally carried it, but only after two
>days of complaining. The initial response of both papers was; "We
>don't carry stories like that", and; "Don't you think that the
>people planning the concentration camps have our best interests in
>mind?" As you will hear for yourselves, the policies definitely do
>not reflect our best interests.
>
>The next event that occurred was that the U.S. Attorney filed a
>"Statement of Authority", showing the reasons that he could find
>why I should not be allowed to take depositions to get more
>information from the person who was writing the concentration camp
>guard training program. However, his brief was completely filled
>with misquotes of the law from many cases. He'd mention the case
>and then invent whatever the case should say. In my brief to the
>court at this point, I notified the judge of the violation of the
>law requiring honesty in such matters. But the notification was
>ignored by the judge, who apparently sanctioned this most dishonest
>of acts commonly known as "quoting out of context".
>
>Chapter 8: THE GENEVA CONVENTION
>
>My brief filed on August 27. On August 31, formal arguments were
>set. The new courtroom of the magistrate was almost filled again.
>However, no one from the news media showed up for this hearing
>either. The few who were contacted had been told not to go; they
>would lose their jobs.
>
>At the hearing I introduced evidence that heretofore had never been
>introduced in any court of law in the U.S. The U.S. Attorney had
>denied, you will remember, everything in my suit without so much as
>even a tiny investigation. So I introduced him to evidence the
>following letter from the Department of the Army, Office of the
>Deputy Chief of Staff of Personnel, signed by; I.B. Sergeant,
>Colonel G.S., Acting Director of Human Resources Development.
>Quoting:
>
> On behalf of President Ford, I am replying to your letter 27
> May, 1976, regarding a news article in the Dallas Morning
> News. As much as he would like to, the president cannot reply
> personally to every communication he receives. Therefore, he
> has asked the departments and agencies of the federal
> government in those instances where they have special
> knowledge or special authority under law.
>
> For this reason your communication was forwarded to officials
> of the Dept. of Defense. Within the Dept. of Defense, the Army
> is responsible for custody and treatment of enemy prisoners of
> war and civilian internees as defined under terms of the
> Geneva Convention of 1949. Therefore, the Army is prepared to
> detain prisoners of war and detainees as defined in Article IV
> of the 1949 Geneva Convention relative to the treatment of
> prisoners of war and protection of civilian persons.
>
> It is U.S. policy that its Armed Forces adhere to the
> provisions of international law to set the example for other
> countries of the world to follow and respecting the right and
> dignity of those who become victim of international conflict.
> It should be noted that the Army program is designed for
> implementation during conditions of war between the U.S. and
> one or more foreign countries. The Army had no plans nor does
> it maintain detention camps to imprison American citizens
> during domestic crises.
>
>The problem with this letter is that it's not true, and that's what
>I'm going to discuss at this point. First of all, in verifying the
>authenticity of the claims in the letter, I checked the Geneva text
>and there is no article in the Geneva Convention entitled as the
>letter states. There is, however, on each of the classifications;
>"Protection of War Victims/Civilian Persons" and a separate article
>on "Prisoners of War". That was the first discrepancy. Then I
>turned to Article IV of the Geneva Convention. That article did not
>set up any requirements or authorizations for military units of any
>type and does not even suggest it. Hence, the second discrepancy.
>
>The next problem with the letter from President Ford's
>representative is that it states that he prisoner of war guard
>program is set up for the implementation for "conditions of war
>between the U.S. and one or more (foreign) countries." However,
>Article III of the Geneva Convention reads that the treaty applies
>to (and I am quoting): "In case of an armed conflict not of an
>international character, occurring within the territory of one of
>the high contracting parties." Obviously and armed conflict
>occurring within one's own territory did not mean between one or
>more of the parties to the treaty, especially if only one is
>involved. Now, the examples of this type of conflict are: civil
>war, armed insurgency and guerrilla activities. In other words,
>they're speaking of a domestic conflict.
>
>An even more shocking item is found in the last pages of the 1949
>Geneva Convention under "Protection of War Victims/Civilian
>Persons". You will find the index card, the identification card,
>forms to be used for writing your family, and everything necessary
>for the administration of a concentration camp is contained in this
>treaty that the U.S. signed and ratified. Further, if there is a
>conflict in the U.S. involving only the U.S. this convention or
>treaty can go into operation; which includes the procedures for
>setting up the concentration camps.
>
>Article LXVIII of the Convention states (and I paraphrase): If you
>commit an offense that is solely intended to harm the occupying
>power, not harming the life or limb of members of the occupying
>power, but merely talking against such a force, such as the Martial
>Law situation, you can be imprisoned provided that the duration of
>such imprisonment is proportional to he offense committed. Well,
>President Dwight Eisenhower didn't feel that provision was strong
>enough. So he had the following additions placed in the treaty,
>which states: "The U.S. reserves the right to impose the death
>penalty in accordance with the provisions of Article LXVIII without
>regard to whether the offenses referred to therein are punishable
>by death under the law of the occupied territory at the time the
>occupation begins."
>
>So not only can you be imprisoned for having exercised freedom of
>speech; you can be put to death under the provisions of the Geneva
>Convention in 1949 for having exercised, or attempting to exercise,
>freedom of speech.
>
>The next item that I introduced into evidence was a field manual;
>FM 41-10, "Civil Affairs Operation". You will remember at the
>outset that I mentioned Civil Affairs groups. Let me quote to you
>from that manual what one of the functions of the Civil Affairs
>activities includes:
>
> Item 4. Assumption of full or partial executive, legislative
> and judicial authority over a country or area.
>
>So let's see what a "country or area" is defined as in the same
>manual. It includes:
>
> small towns and rural areas, municipalities of various
> population sizes, districts, counties, provinces or states,
> regions of national government.
>
>Nowhere in the manual does it exclude this program from being put
>into effect right here in the United States. As a matter of fact in
>Kearny, New Jersey, the Civil Affairs group went into that area and
>practiced taking over that governmental unit. And yet the Army in
>its letter of June 16-states that these programs are not for us.
>Yet they are practiced here in the United States under conditions
>that can only occur here at home.
>
>The study outline of field manual, FM 41-10 on page j-24 under
>"Penal Institutions 1-B", you see there is a program on
>concentration camps and labor camps-number, location and capacity.
>It is important to note that a concentration camp and a labor camp
>are always located near each other, for obvious reasons.
>
>Again on page d-4 of the same manual you'll find a sample receipt
>for seized property; a sample receipt written in English and
>containing terminology applicable to only U.S. territory.
>
>On page 8-2 of the same manual, under the heading "Tables of
>Organization and Equipment", we find that there are 3 other
>organizations that would be working along with the Civil Affairs
>operation: The Chemical Service Organization, the Composite Service
>Organization, and the Psychological Operations Organization, along
>with the various Civil Affairs organizations.
>
>In July of that year (1976), the following Civil Affairs groups met
>with the following airborne groups at a staging area in Fort
>Chaffee, Arkansas. A staging area is where military units meet
>before they go into action. They met with the 82nd Airborne and
>part of the 101st Airborne; the 32nd Civil Affairs group of San
>Antonio, Texas headquarters; the 362nd Civil Affairs brigade from
>Dallas, Texas; the 431st Civil Affairs company from Little Rock
>Arkansas headquarters; the 306th Civil Affairs group, U.S. Army
>Reserves, Fayetteville, Arkansas commanded by Lt. Colonel N.
>McQuire (phonetic spelling) and William Highland. The 486th Civil
>Affairs company from Tulsa, Oklahoma; the 418th Civil Affairs
>company from Kansas City, MO.; the 307th Civil Affairs group from
>St. Louis, MO.; the 490th Civil Affairs group from Abilene, Tex.;
>the 413th company from Hanlin, La; the 12th S.S. group, 2nd
>Battalion (headquarters unknown).
>
>They're ready to go into action. The problem is as it appears they
>were ready to take over the entire government of the United States
>
>as their mission sets out. One man who attended this staging area
>talked to a Civil Affairs sergeant and asked him what his job was.
>The sergeant explained that the civilians of this country will
>really be surprised some day when the Civil Affairs groups begin to
>operate the government.
>
>Now the Dept. of the Army still maintains that all this is not for
>the United States, yet this training continues here for us. The
>evidence is overwhelming; the plan exists for the imprisonment of
>millions of U.S. citizens. And even through all this information
>was presented to the federal magistrate, he still felt that no one
>was injured by such a plot.
>
>On the 2nd day of September, 1976, the magistrate recommended to
>the federal judge that the case be dismissed. And the sole basis
>for his reasoning to dismiss was that we have to be actually
>physically injured before we can maintain a law suit of this type.
>He did not feel that although all this active planing, preparation
>and training was going on, that any U.S. citizen had been injured
>even though the citizen may fear exercising his or her freedom for
>fear of being detained and imprisoned in a concentration camp at a
>later date.
>
>Chapter 9: IGNORING THE CONSTITUTION
>
>The case of Tatum B. Laird, heard before the Supreme Court in 1974,
>is a case in point. It involved the Army intelligence collecting
>apparatus, which was developing a list of names of persons who the
>Army felt were troublesome. The Supreme Court held that the making
>of lists of this type did not of and by itself present any
>injuries. The minority opinion in that case was that the injury in
>the case with a program such as this made people afraid to use
>their freedom of speech for fear of being sent to jail for it. But
>the majority did not buy that argument.
>
>The difference between that case and this case although we also
>have the computer program, is that we have something much further
>past that point; the concentration camp guard program and the Civil
>Affairs program for the taking over of all functions of our
>government. In light of that the federal judge said that this is
>not an injury. As a matter of fact the U.S. Attorney alleged that
>even if people were placed in concentration camps, if they were all
>treated the same they would still not have the right to go to
>federal court.
>
>On the 20th day of September, I filed a memorandum to notify the
>magistrate and the federal judge that I had discovered that the
>federal government had a program for a number of years to suspend
>our constitutional right of the writ of habeas corpus. This
>information substantiated the complaint. Habeas corpus is the name
>of that legal instrument utilized to bring someone before a judge
>when that person is being illegally imprisoned or detained so that
>he (or she) may obtain his (or her) freedom. The Constitution
>states that the writ of habeas corpus shall never be suspended.
>
>I found the disturbing information in a report; 94-755, 94th
>Congress, 2nd Session Senate, April 26th, 1976, entitled
>"Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans Book II". On
>page 17-d, entitled "First Amendment Rights", the report states
>that more importantly "the government surveillance activities in
>the aggregate, whether expressly intended to do so, to deter the
>exercise of First Amendment rights by American citizens who become
>aware of the government's domestic intelligence program."
>
>Beginning on page 54 it is stated that, beginning in 1946, four
>years before the Emergency Detention Act of 1950 was passed, the
>FBI advised the Attorney General that it had secretly compiled a
>secret index of potentially dangerous persons. The Justice Dept.
>then made tentative plans for emergency detention based on
>suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus.
>Department officials deliberately avoided going to Congress. When
>the Emergency Detention Act of 1950 was passed, it did not
>authorize the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. But shortly
>after passage of that act according to a bureau document, Attorney
>General J.R. McGraft told the FBI to disregard it and to proceed
>with the program as previously outlined.
>
>A few sentences later on page 55 it states, "With the security
>index, use broader standards to determine potential dangerousness
>than those described in the statute." And unlike the act,
>Department plans provided for issuing a master search warrant and
>a master arrest warrant. This is the center importance: It is the
>same thing that I am alleging in federal court, yet the magistrate
>chose to ignore these facts also.
>
>We have government officials not only ignoring the will of
>Congress, but doing the opposite of what the Constitution provides
>by planning illegally for the suspension of the writ of habeas
>corpus. In addition, as mentioned before, the master search warrant
>and the master arrest warrant are forms fed into the computer,
>which print the names and addresses on them from the tapes
>previously prepared by the intelligence-gathering program.
>
>As you are arrested, your home will be searched and anything found
>there may be confiscated. This program has existed since 1946 up to
>and including 1973, and without proper access to judicial discovery
>techniques, it can't be determined whether the same plan now exists
>under the same name or under another name right now.
>
>This memorandum was filed on September 28 to make the court aware
>of the danger that our rights of freedom of speech and lawful
>assembly are in. But the court, on September 30, after this
>notification was received, dismissed the case. However, in keeping
>with the practice of federal courts in Houston of actively
>participating in the obstruction of justice, I was not notified of
>the dismissal until the 6th of October, which gave me just 2
>working days to submit any further motion in a 10-day period before
>time starts running for the appeal.
>
>What I have just said regarding the federal courts in Houston is
>not only my opinion; the 'Houston Chronicle', surprisingly,
>published an extensive document severely criticizing the federal
>court in Houston for making up their own rules as they go along
>with the proceeding, as well as commenting on the communist-like
>Supreme Court attitude of the judges and court personnel. My
>experience here has been that the court has returned to me almost
>every document I filed. Then after a big argument they reaccept the
>document, stating that they just made a mistake. In reality, the
>Power structure doesn't want these type of cases in any federal
>court.
>
>Chapter 10: SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE
>
>On the 8th of October, I had submitted a request for finding the
>facts in the filing which had been established by the evidence
>presented:
>
> 1) The 300th Military Police POW Command is located at
> Livonia, Mich.
>
> 2) The Dept. of the Army has stated that said Command exists
> per se the Geneva Convention of 1949, a treaty of the U.S.,
> Article IV thereof under the title relative to the treatment
> of prisoners of war and protection of civilian persons.
>
> 3) No such title exists in the Geneva Convention per se.
>
> 4) There are separate titles, one which is;
> a. Multilateral Protection of War Victims/Prisoners of
> War;
> b. Multilateral Protection of War Victim/Civilian
> Persons.
>
> 5) Nevertheless, Article IV of both titles does not provide
> for the creation of any military programs for concentration
> camps.
>
> 6) Whether Mr. Fenren of the 300th Military Police POW Command
> has stated that the purpose of the Command is for the
> detention of foreign prisoners of war and enemies of the
> United States.
>
> 7) Further, Article III, concerning civilian persons, makes
> the treaty applicable to conflicts occurring solely within the
> territory of the United States that are not of an
> international character, which is capable of including any
> type of conflict in its description whether it be civil war or
> guerrilla activity or anything else. The text states:
>
> In case of armed conflict not of an international character
> occurring in the territory of one of the high contracting
> parties, each party to a conflict shall be bound to apply to
> the minimum of the following provisions.
>
> 8) Dept. of the Army field manual FM41-10, Civil Affairs
> Operations of Civil Affairs Organization, lists as one of its
> functions the assumption of full or partial executive,
> legislative and judicial authority over a count or an area and
> there is no specific exclusion of the United States as such a
> country or area.
>
> 9) Said manual defines country along certain geographical
> population basis, county, state regions and national
> government.
>
> 10) Said organization has in fact conducted practiced
> takeovers of local and state governments in the continental
> United States, including but not limited to the state of New
> Jersey.
>
> 11) Said organization includes in its study outline on page
> j-24 a section on concentration camps and labor camps.
>
> 12) Said organization includes in it operations composite
> service operations and psychological operations organizations.
>
> 13) Said psychological operation is working with the U.S.
> Public Health Service, are prepared to operate any and\or all
> mental health facilities in the United States as tools of
> repression against outspoken but nonviolent political conduct
> of the United States citizens in conjunction with all the
> above, which is to be used for the same purpose.
>
> 14) Further, the Dept. of Justice, in conjunction with this
> program, has had plans for the suspension of writ of habeas
> corpus since the year of 1946; has planned depriving persons
> being detained under this total program any means for
> protection against tyrannical political repression.
>
>The plaintiff requested that the court make findings of fact and
>draw conclusions of law, consistent therewith as shown by the
>evidence on record before the court. The effect of this request is
>that the case must go back to the district judge for further
>consideration. I mentioned that it appeared that all this planning
>for concentration camps was to be directed against anyone
>regardless of his political persuasion or his ideology who
>exercised freedom of speech against the established power structure
>of international bankers and multinational corporations. But with
>Proposition B-type movements threatening to reduce taxes throughout
>our nation, I foresee an activation of emergency programs so that
>the parasites on the federal take will continue to receive their
>checks.
>
>Chapter 11: ARE YOU ON THEIR LIST?
>
>In the same Senate document, on intelligence activities on the
>right of Americans referred to on pages 166 and 167, you will find
>that the federal government has targeted its intelligence
>activities against one group of Americans. On page 166 the first
>classification listed is rightists and anti-Communist groups. The
>first group on Page 167 on Army surveillance lists the John Birch
>Society as number 1 and the Young Americans for Freedom as the
>number 2 target. Therefore, the groups of U.S. American citizens
>considered to be the biggest enemy of the United States by the
>federal government at this is the conservative patriot.
>
>Although this information has been available since April of this
>year (1979), no one has mentioned this incredible discovery that
>the federal government considers the patriotic conservative as its
>greatest enemy. I have received all kinds of information regarding
>this case from all across the United States.
>
>Chapter 12: THE PRICE OF APATHY
>
>I obtained the 1945 report of the O.S.S. (office of Strategic
>Services), the precursor of the C.I.A., 7th. Army, William W.
>Quinn, Colonel G.F.C.A.C. of the G2, on the liberation of Dachau,
>a concentration camp during the liberation in Germany. It contains
>many groups of information, but the relevant portion of the report
>concerns itself with the section on the townspeople. Quoting from
>his report, on why the people of this little town didn't complain
>or didn't overthrow oppressors, but just continued to go along and
>get along even though they lost their freedom in the process. I
>quote:
>
> These words crop up and up again. They are the rationalization
> of a man who admits that he was a member of the Nazi party. "I
> was forced to do so by business reasons", they state. We were
> lied to in every respect but they admit they knew the camp
> existed. But they saw the work detail to the inmates passing
> through the streets under guard, and in some instances the
> S.S. behaved brutally even towards the townspeople.
>
>
> When asked if they realized that within the last 3 months
> before the liberation 13,000 men lost their lives within
> stone's throw of where the people lived, they claimed they
> were shocked and surprised.
>
> When asked if they never saw transports of dead and dying pass
> through he streets along the railway, they referred only to
> the last one. They insist that most of the trains came in at
> night and that they were sealed cars.
>
> Did they never ask what was in the endless procession of cars
> that came in full and always went out empty? A typical reply
> was, "We were told it was all army material and booty from
> France."
>
> It is established that anyone who stated that he saw only one
> train come in the daytime was telling a flat lie. There are
> quite a few such people in Dachau.
>
>The analysis of the anti-Nazi element of the town:
>
> 1) The people knew what was going on in the camp, even ten
> years prior to liberation;
>
> 2) The town did a thriving business from the concentration
> camp guard;
>
> 3) Ninety percent are guilty and have dabbed themselves with
> the blood of innocent human beings;
>
> 4) The people are to blame for their cowardice; they were all
> too cowardly. They didn't want to risk anything. And that was
> the way it was in all of Germany.
>
>The conclusion of this report written on Dachau written in 1945 on
>the liberation of the concentration camp applies today. The
>conclusion is as follows:
>
> If one is to attempt tremendous task and accept the terrible
> responsibility of judging a whole town, assessing it in mass
> as to collect a guilt of innocence of all its inhabitants for
> their complicity in committing this most heinous of crimes,
> one would do well to remember the fearsome shadow that hangs
> over everyone in this state in which crime has been
> incorporated and called the government.
>
>So you can see how the whole program is related here. My lawsuit
>was against one single aspect of the total program: The enforcement
>arm of the conspiracy. The people who make up the cadre that is
>going to occupy the concentration camps where enemies of the United
>States will be placed.
>
>Remember Solzhenitsyn's words in the 'Gulag Archipelago':
>
> Resistance should have began right there but it did not begin.
> You aren't gagged, you really can and you really ought to cry
> out that arrests are being made on the strength of false
> accusations. If many such outcries had been heard all over the
> city would arrests have no longer have been so easy.
>
>They, the tyrants, can't work in the public eye. Those people who
>were so apathetic, hoping that nothing was really wrong, that
>nothing would happen to their persons and property, sat back and
>watched. The anarchists, financed by multinational interests,
>looted and pillaged their country.
>
>If you think that all that is necessary is to pay your house notes,
>to pay your TV notes, to go vote when there is an election, and to
>stand back during the rest of the year and watch as your country
>and way of life are replaced by a system in which you will be a
>slave in a concentration camp, you -- not the conspirators -- are
>guilty because you, by silent acquiescence, invite tyranny and
>oppression.
>
>And when you have to steal food to eat because our production is
>for foreign use because the Dept. of Commerce, through Executive
>Order 11490 and its predecessors, is responsible for international
>distribution of our commodities, don't sit in the culvert hiding
>and eating and wondering what happened: You made it all possible.
>
>When your family is split up and spread across the United States to
>do slave labor and you never see your loved ones again, it will be
>your fault: You did nothing to prevent it. Once we lose our freedom
>we are never going to regain it. That is why we must stand together
>to prevent the loss of our freedom as citizens of the United
>States.
>
>Thank you very much.
> (Conclusion of taped report.)
>
> --oOo--
>
<snip>
===========================================================================
Paul Andrew Mitchell, Sui Juris : Counselor at Law, federal witness 01
B.A.: Political Science, UCLA; M.S.: Public Administration, U.C.Irvine 02
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